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virtual ethnography studies not (only) the issues of dealing with virtual communities ...

To analyze this issue from what I advanced in a previous post: virtual ethnography does not work (only) virtual communities ... This text is an extension of that, so I will summarize the arguments then:
# On the one hand, social connections in the virtual and the real is too complex to say that a group of people with shared affinities and share time and contacts across the network form a community. This is shown in the study by Wellman et. al. "The Strength of Internet Ties: The internet and email users Aid in Maintaining Their social networks and when to Provide pathways to help people face big decisions" , which reports on the socio-structural interactions in the context of people between the physical world connections and virtual, and how it is possible to find linkages between the two environments in the forms of social behavior. Specifically, the study says that people with a greater number of connections in cyberspace are also more social success in the physical world, measured by number of bonds of sociability in the surroundings ... which, on the other hand, leads to Castells (2001) , supported in Wellman, talking about a company's own scheme of information called "networked individualism."
# To this argument adds the actor-network theory of Latour (2005) , facing the complex relationships in the social structure. Latour speaks of a type of membership - similar to the classic concept of social aggregation - given around multiple group situations and actions as complex networks of interaction, where the artifacts and objects are as important as the subjects, whether these "actors" or "target" of the shares.
Well, after this first approach, now try to remove a type of closed approach, while constraining the field of ethnographic study of virtual (or digital). The argument has been summarized in a sentence like this:
"Most virtual communities develop around a specific theme, in this sense, virtual communities vary according to what they say and how to say what they say. The virtual community is comparable with the notion of field, a field limited by the issue around which the community structure. Virtual ethnography is responsible for studying those issues that deal with virtual communities. "
This is a limited view that reduces the chances of a qualitative study of virtuality. Of course, the study of topics dealing with virtual communities is exciting [Note: A good example is the case study of an ethnographic of Steel (2006), "Assembling machines to build society" (title subject to variation, field notes taken during presentation "Subverting the informational order, following the trail of hackers" in the Workshop of IN3 , Researching the digital world, for a derivative work, may be "On the error as an event and the hacking as a creative use the same "), a study structured around the idea of" project "and following the footsteps of the hackers in cyberspace and beyond the cyberspace], but this is not the sole purpose of virtual ethnography.
Perhaps the shift in focus is a matter of time. Kuhn (1962) points you need some time to crystallize the new theoretical currents and displace the established paradigms. This process is dynamic and occurs constantly, but there are periods of stability in which a dominant paradigm. If there is a trait that characterizes the current moment is the smooth, liquid, the evanescent, the unstable ( Verdú, 2003 ). The change affects the course of events. Innovation is at the basis of the information society, of which the Internet is its raw material ( Castells, 1999-2005 ). And that means that, at this stage, especially in the area of \u200b\u200bscience that studies the phenomena related to innovation (social, technological, methodological), paradigms elapsed in shorter time periods. A paradigm that saw (alone or especially) the inside of the Internet as object of study (the culture of / on the Internet and Internet culture itself) with an own structure type, consisting of stable communities, where people shared patterns of behaviors that can be studied in a particular way, is giving way to one characterized by a vision of the network and cyberspace as a complex cultural phenomenon (Internet as cultural artifact), the structure is intertwined with the physical society, where one key is mediation, which can be studied from multiple approaches, because inside there is room for many other phenomena, compound, complex, vague and fluid, where the focus is not to define the method, explain the epistemological principles that make its study differential, or to address the issues of validity in the context of social science, but figuring out the meanings with which they build relationships, make sense of behavior, describe processes, analyze transformations and represent the data appropriately to the environment and the elements that have occupied the field of research.
Right now that transition is occurring. The change - which in the absence of a generational story, it's 'de facto' that justified, or the result of reflection and consensus - is leaving aside the figures who were the ascendant in the previous paradigm. The maturity of the Internet and the current reality of cyberspace makes some classic studies that have been central to the analysis of cyberculture (to name only three significant Turkle (1995) , Agree and Schuler (1997) or more Recent Wilson and Peterson (2002) [The anthropology of Online Communities, Annual Review of Anthropology, 2002, 31: 449-67]) are viewed today from a distance. The same Rheingold (1996) , Smith and Kollock (ed.) (2003) (this, except in the chapter, really remarkable, Wellman and Gulia ) and Jones (ed.) (2003) , to quote the most outstanding authors also related to other previous paradigm. This does not mean that those views are not central and will remain so in the future. There are scientific references and between them and the current methods are multiple connections. For example, the literary vision of Gibson (1984) is not made questioned as a metaphor for cyberspace. Or, from science, approaches Escobar (1994) , Castells (1999-2005) or Hine (2000) are in full force today. Based its validity in the language they use, the language of basic science, in these cases, anthropology and sociology. That is, talk about them from territories stable essential. These and others have laid the groundwork for what today are social studies, cultural, economic, educational, (for example, socio-educational field, the approximation of the cibercultra Pierre Lévy [About the Cyberculture, Magazine West , 206, June 1998], the virtual [ What is virtual?, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1999 ] and its transfer to the educational [Collective intelligent, Cambridge, Ma, Perseus Books, 1999 ] continues to be a reference), etc., based on qualitative methods.
But that vision becomes different today. The texts of the authors of reference can not be analyzed today just as they were three or four years. Now the bases are moved, because the surface on which they rest is, by definition, unstable and complex. In the eighties there was Google and not until 2005 that talks about Web 2.0 . Only these two technological devices have led to such profound cultural change - cultural change in the sense given, among others, Latour (1988) - that require new epistemological horizons pair interpretation.
To conclude, I quote a job on the line contemporary approaches based on current scientific and classical authors who use the past to plan new approaches. This approach does not discard the past contributions, but gives an extra twist to fit the current context.
To Budka and Kremser (2004) [ CyberAnthropology - Anthropology of Cyberculture . In S. Khittel, B. Plankensteiner and M. Six-Hohenbalken (Eds.), Contemporary Issues in socio-cultural anthropology. Perspectives and Research Activities from Austria, Vienna, Loecker, 213-226) the (cyber) anthropology, or anthropology of cyberculture, is about:
"technologies and how they are constructed and implemented in society and culture. In this sense, the ciberanptropología not entirely new. Since 1950, anthropologists have increasingly investigated the specific technologies and their impacts on non-Western cultures. One of the best known examples is the work of Maurice Godelier (1971) [Salt currency 'and the circulation of commodities Among the Baruya of New Guinea, G. Dalton (ed.) Studies in Economic anthropology, Washington, American Anthropological Association , 376-379] on the effects of the introduction of steel axes indigenous groups in Papua New Guinea and Australia, but as noted Escobar (1994) , among others (for example, Pfaffenbenger, 1992) [The social anthropology of technology, Annual Review of Anthropology , 21, 491-516], one can not adapt these approaches to highly complex technological system in societies and cultures 'modern' "(p. 214).
That may be a starting point for virtual ethnography: critical approaches to anthropology. But after that statement, it is equally objects and areas necessary to note the study. Budka and Kremser (2004, p.215) propose the following areas for ethnography, among which include, of course, virtual communities (paragraph which include such references is entitled "The ethnography of ciberantropología domains, which in itself is a statement of intent):
(a) "Perhaps the most obvious domain for ethnographic research can be placed where ICTs are produced and used, from computer labs and companies, Internet service providers (ISPs) and centers virtual reality design, to homes, schools and workplaces as areas reception and consumption. "
(b) "A second domain consists of the use of ICTs such as Internet, connecting millions of computers and their users. (...) [In virtual communities] ethnographers can study the various relationships between language, social structure and cultural identity that are produced by mediated communication [ndt emphasis added] computer. "
(3) "The 'political economy of cyberculture' is another field for the ethnographic study, it investigates the relationship between 'information' and 'capital', as well as political and cultural dynamics 'information' set in motion. "
Budka and Kremser (2004) quote massively Escobar (1994) and also Daniel Miller and Don Slater (2000) , two of the pioneers of date. In this study point only a few cases of ethnographic study. The possibilities of finding some are as large as the sociocultural reality of Internet and its environs. As shown, the field of work is broad and goes beyond the virtual communities. It remains that penetrate and interpret knowledge in him and in context. We
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Bono and the symbolic construction of reality ...

yesterday's edition of The Guardian comes a interview with Jeffrey Sachs that not wasted. It is entitled "Be here now" in a pun on the title of Oasis disk and the timeliness of being in China today - the interview was conducted in Beijing - when the country is putting upside down the world economy. The subtitle says much about the content of the interview:
"Known for being the favorite economist of the rock aristocracy, Professor Jeffrey Sachs sees China as a model in the fight against global poverty."
Sachs is one of the most influential on the international scene, is director of the Institute World Studies of Columbia University (New York, USA. UU.) Professor of sustainable development and health policy and management at the university, and is also Special Advisor to the Secretary General of the United Nations , Kofi Annan . Lately he has written several best-sellers in economics, sociology, and the work that motivates the interview "The End of Poverty. How to get in our time ".
The reason to bring Sachs here is the association of ideas made in addressing the issues most important global agenda. Sachs included in his vision as central issues in qualitative research as the meanings and symbolism. In their analysis includes elements important to pop culture and representatives of fame, actors, singers or writers. "There is a kind of expert," he says trying to denigrate the world of movie stars and rock singers: they are completely wrong. " Although this view is not novel (at least in the context of Spain), since he had already highlighted Vicente Verdú in "The style of the world" and, more recently, in "Me and you, luxury items. The people, the first cultural revolution of the century ", making Sachs is giving an identity and straining on the bedside tables of world leaders. Say
authors such as Sachs and Verdú have a glimpse of the world that, apparently, is the most important today because it determines the course of events. The association is simple: the characters that are part of the lives of people, people with breakfast, watching TV and sports, the same that shape their modes of dress and interact, are also in a position to influence their political behavior ethyl and citizens. What is new is that researchers and Sachs are willing to take that approach to how to intervene in public affairs from the academy.
Let's see how does this practice of symbolic interpretation of reality [Note: Although this analysis is close to the symbolic interactionism, I must say that my position sociological issues are not fully defined and is in an intermediate point between this approach, theories of conflict ( Kerber, 2003 ) and post-structuralism of Foucault], making an interpretation of the contents of some words of Bono and further annotation of Sachs. At a recent conference, Bono described how he, Sachs and producer Bobby Shriver crossed the planet "as a family of partridges under the influence of psychotropic drugs." What does that mean, what is your interpretation symbolic (qualitative). Sachs says: "I think he had in mind the dazzling things you see. It's very surreal. In a moment you can be in a remote village in the most impoverished in the world. Then, eight hours can be in the splendor of Fifth Avenue, or in a fascinating district of London, or in the halls of Congress. Remains the same planet. It's amazing that these differences exist, and are only a few hours apart. "
In fact, when Bono is talking about drugs in the state of the world. Especially, when speaking of psychotropic drugs refers to a state of hallucination resulting from stimuli coming of the media and the Web also, of course, talking about the possibilities of "travel" and move in space and time allow hallucinogens. This is how he is besieged after touring the poses and feel first hand the inequities that drive people to die of starvation or obesity as points north or south on the road map. That is why psychotropic drugs instead of marijuana in this context is not accidental. He knows that, knows the lingo and delivers your message in a conscious way. It also makes using the same language people can understand because it connects with the culture, the same culture that keep them dazzled on the day to day. Bono works as a connecting node with a global network of people able to play that kind of symbolic language. That's a loaded symbolic meanings, therefore, can move consciences.
When Sachs pays attention to what he says Bono, or the aesthetic sense of the Madonna videos, or the public acts of Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie (all his friends and fans, so to speak, their theories), which actually does is look at the real world through a peephole. You are looking at the same place you watch the rest of us, as did the characters in Plato's cave . What you are seeing is not representative society, even in Western societies, because the complexity of these escapes to an analysis of this type (and any kind, really). But that's the kind of look that can detect the essence of a few important significance to society. Is using a qualitative methodology with which to understand reality, from that point, try to transform it.
For issues of Applied Economics, throughout the interview in The Guardian, Sachs gives a hint of the use of that vision in their daily work.
emmm ... the interpretation of what led to Bono to choose the partridges for metaphor is for another time. We
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opening in qualitative research and experimentation ...

Vale. As editor of the journal FQS , yesterday I got first-hand the articles published during the month of August. Discuss two of them to be especially interesting for what concerns me these days. The theme of these articles has coincided precisely with a personal reflection that I was around and yesterday I shared with Kip . Some time ago I think some clarification about my comments on this blog in order to expand and define the basis of my reflections. Clarifications related to freedom in qualitative research, the impositions academicians and the need for consensus. My talk with Kip
began treating the post on Thursday of Edgar and commentary about doing thesis addressing the phenomenon YouTube or Google-Video and practices of the people in those spaces. Kip's comments on the subject provoked in me a contradictory effect in relation to the reflections that haunted me the last few days. In jargon, thermodynamics (I think that is the science that deals with it so), on the one hand, made my ideas come into resonance, and, on the other hand, decreased entropy in my head. This misconfiguration and subsequent convergence is also related to what they are assuming these days in Bournemouth . At first I thought writing about ethnography is interesting and this very day I will practice self-reflection, as indeed is being. But one factor not considered, in what may be a "rookie mistake." The factor that I did not realize when I got here was coming to a Center dedicated to qualitative research. That is, a place that is divergent thinking, well, who had invited me was a researcher who does not fit exactly into the mainstream of academia. I was delighted with what that meant, but I did not realize what it really meant. And the result has been a re-construction of the initial ideas that came here. Following
my conversation yesterday, when I raise with Kip what Edgar said in his blog, I was leaving, somehow, preconceived schemes. I was in my head that really could be a qualitative research on YouTube (the other hand, I also thought that it will be a few out there in the process). Based on an open, even started investigating the example of YouTube as an argument to raise different virtual ethnographies. And therein. Sure, "Kip said," that's what happens with the preset. What you see is people constantly raised their research results as a justification of the method. Articles in magazines are written for colleagues to please a certain current. Innovations meet subsistence needs and a proposed reaffirmation of the quality of research to colleagues. What would really be interesting to know the people who make "Dancing duovideoplaybacks" (Edgar dixit.) Is (transcribe and wide open questions) why they do, how it fits that need performance in the patterns of cultural values authors, what kind of reward sociocultural expect to get (directly or indirectly, consciously or not), what logic is behind such behavior, which anchors are other ways to make performance, the process production of a video and how to bridge the difficulties, why they choose not Google-YouTube and other video platforms, and so on. What Kip was saying was that no matter the method. The qualitative method is generative by definition open. Was important to know the cultural meanings of the actions of these people. Interest, from an anthropological point of view, access patterns of meaning that lie behind behaviors and to understand the world of these people. It can do qualitative research, but why then discuss the methods as closed?, Who, except for academic purists interested validate the generative process itself and novel in each case and by definition subject to change and variation? [By the way, although we were talking about a field of study on the Internet, the word rarely appeared ... it was replaced by other "classical" culture, negotiation, dialogue, construction, meanings, behaviors, values, society, etc.].
Of course, these issues have far exceeded my initial approach to a virtual ethnography "open" about it. And I was being forced to re-consider the meaning of this newspaper itself. Because, somehow, what I'm saying here is what is acceptable and what is not in the field of virtual ethnography.
Well, in those was when I get the index to publications in FQS August and start reading, you see where this article:
Michael Agar (USA): An Ethnography By Any Other Name ...
I'm saved at last see the light again. The intention of this article can be transferred to this journal, but adding "virtual" to the word "ethnography." This is laying the groundwork for talking about ethnography in relation to other research practices. Two things particularly interested me in this article. An orthodox and heterodox. The first -In line with what I have been writing these days is the idea of \u200b\u200bestablishing some points of consensus. Agar talks about the following:
"Suppose that ethnography was a computer program, perhaps a game. The program has various parameters that a player can be set with different values. (...) Here are a few [things relevant] that come to mind:
# Control: How much of obligation is ethnography? How many of the preferences of the ethnographer do for structuring methods? How does your personality leads him to 'take over' rather than 'let go' a bit?
# Approach: How ethnographer focuses on a particular topic or various problems that arise?
# Scale: To what extent is an ethnographer committed to the phenomenological level of experience? Or is he / she interested in the great global levels and / or small psychobiological levels?
# Events: What period of time and space is intended to cover the ethnographer? A particular event in a particular place, at one end, or all events and circumstances of all members of the group, on the other? Conditions associated
#: Events prolonged in time and distributed throughout the space. How long will pursue and are referenced in time and even when they are followed in their motion through space?
[...]
# Previous: The 'before' part of the traditional social research jargon to refer to the categories and propositions you carry prior to the study phase, categories and propositions from a theory that must something at the end. By 'preliminary', I think, I also understand all the stuffing you carry with you, including your autobiography, identity, personal history that shapes who you are.
# Inputs: (..) What you have promised or that you provide a return for the support they have received to do the job?
# Interests: here I echo the work of Jürgen Habermas 'Knowledge and human interests' (1971). What interests included the study? Who is paying for it and why? Who is doing this and why? Who is involved in it and why? What interests are being served at all these levels? "(Paras 35 and 40).
My fieldwork at this time intends to talk about virtual ethnography in the same way these parameters can be interpreted. And how these parameters can be interpreted so as not to be taken as prescriptions? Agar clarifies what follows:
"The eight parameters are not trivial. All of them are valid for discussion and debate. All of them, in fact, have been and are passionate topics in exchanges as I reviewed at the beginning [Article]. [You can] Consider the parameter 'event', and remember the common question among my hosts, educational researchers: an ethnography is an ethnography of a kind real? Of course it is. Are other types of 'ethnographies of education' possible? Of course they are "(para. 42). That is the meaning
open you can do the reflections in this blog. So far
orthodoxy. The unorthodox question, which leads me to question many principles, some of the following statement:
"Is it really ethnography qualitative research? Not necessarily, it is perhaps not even most of the time. What is clear is that the term [quality] hinders rather than helps answer the question of how can you tell if something is real ethnography "
(para. 18).
Well, I like qualitative research. I only interested in ethnography as a method. What moves me as a qualitative researcher are the questions raised earlier about the videos on youtube ... how to deal with ... how culturally significant answers. I think everything else is secondary. And if that is what is ethnography, if one method, structure and requirements, then ethnography is secondary.
The following article appearing January. same volume of FQS is a radical critique of the above:
Wolff-Michael Roth (Canada): But Does "Ethnography By Any Other Name" Really Promote Real Ethnography?
Directly linked to the text of Hagar, Roth in this article point by point contradicts your vision. Simply rejects the possibility of talking about real or not real ethnography. His argument rejects the approach of Agar on the ground that are using methods within the ethnography to explain what ethnography is, which is already taking advantage of a position. And that is precisely Roth based his criticism on the positions and scientific positions:
"My comment about the respected and respectable anthropologists brings me to another important point. To be respectable and respected, one needs to be within the boundaries of what distinguishes the real ethnography of what is outside and therefore does not belong to the club. This boundary is mobile, like any academic, disciplinary and national boundaries, wars are around them precisely where the boundaries should be moved, and those who appropriate the border completely leave side issue. Yo-although others may disagree, read the text [Hagar] as if it were one of those wars across borders. More generally, we can read the text of Agar in two ways: (a) as a text that presents some of the discussions that have been occurring about what constitutes real ethnography and (b) as another episode in a war about where borders are placed real ethnography and investigate ways that just cry out to be, but in reality they are ethnography "(para. 7).
In short, little more can be said. As a personal reflection, I think reaffirm the need to define methods, but it squeaks further possibility of placing barriers to the field of research. Moreover in the case of qualitative research, which covers approaches like chaos theory or catastrophe theory, both as an argument outlined by Roth.
is why I find it interesting to refer to what is not "just" virtual ethnography. Because it includes what is qualifying. That is, but not all. It is that and is also something else. And that something else, what you are saying is: hey! here is an open door, see what lies beyond. Let's look beyond the ethnography and also see what lies beyond in the field of qualitative research.
The idea when I started this diary was to determine what was not virtual ethnography, because my experience told me, especially after attending the Workshop of IN3 , Researching the digital world - that many researchers were appropriating the term for different purposes to its original meaning. And they do it with a certain intention. This tension reaches the point of distorting the meaning of ethnography and spread to other classic methodological grounds are, so to speak, less fashionable in the 'mainstream' academic. Methods such as participatory action research, case studies, participant observation, depth interviews, focus groups, if not directly, social intervention, giving them a sense used ethnographic basically consists in the presence of the researcher in the field for a while and the subsequent description of their experiences. From my point of view, all these methods are an advance in social research, can separate the object of study of what is measurable and closer to the realm of personal experiences and the meanings attributed to these experiences, what has been called break with positivism. I and many others employ researchers with its different variants. Addition I am a professor of social work and am related to methods such as those from the critical school of Chicago, who advocate the investigator's commitment to what he is doing. The commitment intervention untito store change and social betterment, progress and emancipation of marginalized groups. Ethnography also uses many of the cited research methods to build your corpus. What happens is that all of them, taken independently, are not an ethnography. Ethnography is not intended to transform the world and the empowerment of the groups. Nor is it intended to interview someone or a case study. If you do these things is to understand the processes that are behind the facts. Making use of qualitative research methods, is neither good nor bad in itself. The questionable use of ethnography in an indiscriminate way is to do as a subterfuge to legitimize the field of qualitative research, given the prestige that this method seems to enjoy today.
The Kip's comments contributed to this reflection is that in qualitative research must begin by the end, that is what I want to know and not how. Because how open and subject to change during the process. A participant observation and ethnography can be finished in an alleged ethnographic research may end up being a action for purposes of social transformation. That is precisely what makes it interesting and what distinguishes this paradigm of positivism, concerned to measure, validate, ensuring independence, representativeness get ... What matters is the what (what meanings, what culture, what behaviors and why, what to do to improve or to avoid, etc..). These are the questions that drive social researchers. The legitimacy of their practices are particularly interested in "the academy" and least qualitative social science. We
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the field of virtual ethnography study is not (only) the cyberspace ...

The divide between "Internet culture" and "Internet as a cultural artefact" can be confusing at times. This is especially true when the field of study is projected to all do ethnography. That is, when it comes to virtual ethnography broadly.
The notion of virtual ethnography field is a component of evolution. Early theorists refused to take the network and ethnographic context. Simply did not support the cultural character of the Internet. After passing the vision and go through a babbling phase, we reach the moment that seems dominated by the idea of \u200b\u200b"mediation" ( Beaulieu, 2004 ). Applied to the notion of field, the mediation approach moves away from definitions based on concepts geospatial or reticular and focuses on the facts and socio-cultural phenomena made possible by technological artifacts in dialogue with humans.
Having accepted that the Internet can be a field of study as any other ( Hine, 2000 ), it would now determine the possible contexts where conducting a virtual ethnography. To this end, clarifying the statement Hammersley and Atkinson (1994) on the location of ethnography:
"The ethnography can and takes place in a wide variety of places: towns, cities, city neighborhoods, factories, mines , farms, shops, business offices of all kinds, hospitals, theaters, prisons, bars, churches, schools, colleges, universities, courts, agencies, courts, morgues, funeral chapels, etc. "(p. 97).
Well, if you add the statement "Internet" then each named place, you will get as many fields of work for virtual ethnography. The distinction for virtual ethnography is, rather, in the "field work" and not the field itself, which has been defined as virtual and accepted as a region susceptible to receive and generate cultural elements. That is, the main distinctions refer to the field of action rather than location. At the end of the ethnography is not (only) is description, but understanding. It is not (only) account but dialogue. And it's not (only) presence, but insight. The ethnographer / a performs a unique process when working in virtual land to explore and elicit deep cultural values \u200b\u200band practices that are specific to individuals or social groups that inhabit the area.
But back to the beginning and returning to the statement that the post title, the following is an argument that is often used when talking about virtual ethnography:
"New forms of communication enable new staging of common interests. This ideal is the Internet, cyberspace. To make conventional ethnography is necessary to identify an ethnographic context. In this regard we must treat the virtual space as our analysis context. Virtual ethnography should treat cyberspace as an ethnographic reality. "
I analyze this sentence from two angles. The notion of "capture" and the notion of "comparative."
addition to mediation, Beaulieu (2004) introduced capture component to refer to those statements which may account for conversational ethnography. These traps can be text, images or videos, as reflected in his article. However, what essential here is the renunciation of the holistic approach of the network as a whole. Just as classic ethnography addresses a school and not all schools in a country or the entire educational system, virtual ethnography can not take the whole cyberspace as their field of work.
Using a particular argument, Daniel Miller & Don Slater (2000) added:
"(...) for us an ethnographic approach to the Internet is one that sees the network as embedded in a specific place that is also changing (...) Our ethnographic approach is used as an immersion in a particular case as a basis for generalization through comparative analysis (...) an ethnographic approach is also one that is based on a long-term and multi-faceted with a social setting. In that sense, we are relatively conservative in our defense of the traditional canons of ethnographic research. This is particularly important today, when the term 'ethnography' has become something fascinating for many disciplines "(online).
little to add. If anything resume his subsequent reflections on the uses "forced" the ethnographic, cultural studies, sometimes ethnography is used to perform simple or textual analysis to study virtual communities .
Therefore, the idea of \u200b\u200bmulti-set or multi-local (Marcus, 2001) [Ethnography in / of the 'system' world. The emergence of ethnography multilocal, otherness, 11 (22), 111-127], working the field in various situations and locations (physical and virtual), gaining momentum when the space is analyzed is a fluid space (Castells , 2000 ). But leaving aside the presence of the researcher (now permanently unnecessary), the idiosyncratic features of the network should not make us forget the classic ethnographic method "under construction". We
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to turn to the performative, the art and science ... Virtual ethnography

The post the other day of Tiberius left me somewhat pensive. Tiberius is not the people who talk the talk. Rather the opposite. Your comment (often divergent) are reflections from thoughtful and addressed the key issues in any conversation. What is art
science and scientist what art is one of those recurring themes in any manual of introduction to research design. What is interesting is to ask that question about a specific method or research strategy, such as ethnography. Not boring, I will focus my reflection on just two texts on different fields of ethnography. These texts appear in the third edition of the Handbook of Qualitative Research edited by Norman K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln and topics quite significant. Obviously the selection is subjective and is justified by my own affinities in the field of research.
In Critical Ethnography: The Politics of Collaboration, Douglas Foley and Angela Valenzuela intended to "highlight the differences between the" critical ethnographers "to make criticism of the academic culture, those who write policy studies and applied that directly involve themselves in political movements "(p. 217). The article shows that "not all critical ethnographers are politically active. Not all knowledge generated is both theorized / practiced universally / locally. Not everyone uses reflection and collaborative research methods "(p. 217). This is so for several reasons, including the difficulty of implementing ethnographic research without crossing the barrier and partial direct intervention - of which raises interesting derived for the issue of representation in qualitative research. The article shows that to accept certain methods must be changed before the schemes of "the academy." Foley and Valenzuela take themselves and their department at the university ( Department of Anthropology, University of Texas, USA. UU. ) as case studies, to account for how risky it is now characterized as being critical political and methodological practices of the current followers of the current. This is because, today:
"The problem for many critical ethnographers is that knowledge must be political [but] an academically acceptable way. Consequently, many liberal academics spend much of his time writing and publishing critical culture to meet the demands of academia and their colleagues "(p. 222).
Making a parallel, it is clear the need for "the academy" and stakeholders adapt their methods of evaluation of research results not only the idiosyncrasies of the qualities, but different ways of doing qualitative research . The performative no place in qualitative research until the barrier of the assessment (broadly defined) will be overcome, at least in the English context.
The second item brought up is Arts-Based Inquiry: Performing Revolutionary Pedagogy of Susan Finley, referred to "Usefulness of art-based approaches when the objective is political activism" (p. 681). The article begins with a quote from Norman Denzin (2000) [The art and politics of interpretation. In N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research, Thousand Oaks, Sage , 500-515], for whom the art-based research can help develop "a radical aesthetic ethic ... [it] bases its representations of the world from interpretive practices in order to develop [among other things in vogue] critique of racism, homophobia and theorizing postcolonial Third World. " The author believes the use of technological media in social movements as creators and supports alternative spheres of public discourse. Its use by the researcher role involves move towards a more artistic and active, where it can participate in the representations, express the relational dynamics and reduce the data to a particular scenery. However, the desired result shall in any case, a simple recording media, but a social performación. Finley has recently developed his ideas in two very suggestive: At Home At School (AHAS) documentary: Ethics and power in using film in arts-based research and Whose Voice Is It?: The Colonizing Potential in social Creating Participatory performances and films, both presented in the program the Second International Congress of Qualitative Inquiry , May 4-6, 2006, University of Illinois .
Obviously these ideas do not always have to be made in favor of political activism - even in the field where they show their full potential - but it can also be used in everyday research. Very
about some recent news in my environment, not without grace the turn on these same issues are Kath Fisher and Renata Phelps [ Recipe or performing art? Challenging conventions for writing action research theses, Action Research, Vol 4, No. 2, 2006, 143-164 ]. In their paper these authors moved to performative theories slippery slope of the presentation of doctoral thesis based on qualitative methods. There is a clear break between what theses theorize and the reality of his presentation, based always on the "model-of-the-five" chapters "comprehensive introduction, literature review, methodology, analysis and conclusions. But
"What about students who have taken action research? Are these conventions apply? Can be made to fit their research process less conventional container five-strands and remain true in practice? Are you taking an unacceptable risk for deviating from the conventional? Or can [better] to write their thesis under the 'performative art' is action research? (Dick, 2002) [Postgraduate Programs using action research, The Learning Organization, 9 (4), 159-170 ]
In my view, the use of the performative and the arts in qualitative research attempts to answer mainly to these issues. We
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Wired Motion Sensor Closet Lights

not looking (only) more or less homogeneous groups whether or not located in Euclidean space contexts ...

The statement that titles this post is another of the common ground when talking about virtual ethnography. Its development viene a decir algo así:
“En la red podemos encontrar grupos con intereses similares, es decir con características homogéneas que van mas allá de la cultura nacional o local. Estos grupos se congregan en una comunidad virtual y establecen colectividades con formas específicas de ver y de hacer. Para realizar etnografía convencional es necesario identificar un contexto etnográfico, y para hacer etnografía virtual habrá que tratar el espacio virtual como contexto de análisis y las comunidades como congregaciones humanas. La etnografía virtual debe tratar al ciberespacio como una realidad etnográfica”.
En efecto, la etnografía debe tomar el ciberespacio como una realidad en la que se pueden construct meaning, create identities and establishing more or less stable groups with shared interests. But is not this so like it or not ethnography or any other method? Ethnographic study focusing only on those areas involves neglecting the constructivist view of society, whereby we find and describe objects that are our own constructions of previous constructions [again Jones (2006) quoted as referring to Heidegger this approach when he speaks of the double hermeneutic present in the human sciences, which can be understood as interpretations of interpretations].
Well, that assumption of social constructivism has been strengthened following the passing of the triple crisis of ethnography (of representation, legitimation and praxis) [ Denzin, N., Interpretive Ethnography: Ethnographic Practices for the 21st Century, Thousand Oaks, Sage, 1996 ] . Passing this crisis has led, in effect, a series of consequences that virtual ethnography has been widely assumed, among others: the continued presence of no researcher in the field of study, the rethinking of the methodology of the interview, the paper notes field or the representation of the data (all advanced and by Hine in his earlier work [ Virtual Ethnography, Sage, London, 2000 ]). But this does not mean in any way that the ethnographer should pay particular attention as their theme ethnographic or cultural group as small-scale interactions in a field such as cyberspace. Hine
Some principles proposed in reference work are maintained, others have already fallen. In my opinion, one of the immanent and the assertion that:
"The boundaries are not a priori assumptions, but are explored in the course of the ethnography. The challenge of virtual ethnography is to examine how to set limits and connections, especially between the 'virtual' and 'real'. [And] this problem carries with it the question of when to stop, or how far to go "( Hine, 2002, p. 81 ).
Internet is a cultural artifact, but also culture, a culture type multi-layered, layered, and open paths that go beyond the virtual and extensively penetrate into the physical. The construction of the ethnographic object in the Internet environment is equally broad and it is closed physical barriers. Its objects and fields can be equally as noun made from the more sociological approaches when studying the markets, cinemas, home, etc. For the study of such situations from a "naturalist" is counted with the reference structure sociocultural them warm. From here (and in dialogue with) the researcher raises his constructions and meanings. Ignore this in virtual ethnographies lead aside many of the reasons for social and cultural constructions of the object of study. We
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Scriptmafia Enounce Myspeed

practicing phenomenology and critical reflective film ...

The viewing of a film can be interpreted in different ways. One is the objective of analyzing and reconstructing parts of the film. And phenomenology can also be used to find in the minds of the audience (subjectively) what is real (objectively, when the objective is subjective construction) in the act. Both approaches were present at the gathering after the issuance Kip that proposed this morning in the Theatre of Mary Wollstonecraft Bournemouth University.
The film was a short film chronicling a typical day of a lady in a nursing home. The character was inspired by the director's grandmother, lived at a critical time during the first war that would mark his life. The first scene takes place in one shot and shows a young woman enjoying an afternoon of listening field and how far, after a brief scuffle, one shot ends with a man's life. Then this young man is an elderly woman that carry wheelchair by rooms in a residence, in what could be a day in his present life. The camera always focuses on the face of the woman in the foreground and only reflects what happens around the side, in the limited space around the face. First red lipstick to receive a visit from his family. His daughter, his grandson and a friend of his. That kid reminds him of his brother. The grandson speaks to someone on the phone what disturbs. He does not understand the device. In another sequence, and in a different room, family say goodbye. It is evening and try to asearla as she furiously opposed. The left side of the truck and think about running away. Rises and is stopped after a few steps. In the intervening time a bird se ha posado en el asa de la silla, entonces vacía. De nuevo sentada le ofrece a un cuidador cualquier cosa a cambio de que la lleve a casa junto con sus papeles. El hombre dice que lo que el quiere es nada. Por último, la cámara asciende por el tronco hasta la copa de los árboles del bosque donde la joven escuchó los disparos.
A continuación se abrió un turno para el análisis, la reflexión y la crítica. El objetivo era que cada uno extrajera conclusiones útiles para sus áreas de interés. En la sala no éramos más de 10 personas: investigadores en el campo de la fenomenología, sociólogos constructivistas, etnógrafas sociales, gente trabajando en teoría fundamentada, un tipo nerd enough to investigate the narratives that allow digital technologies and myself, interested in mediating socio cross in cyberspace and qualitative analysis (especially ethnographic). The symposium had two poles: Kip Jones as master of ceremonies and Les Todres , co-director of Qualitative Research Center of the University of Bournemouth . Although there were other interventions, which I will transcribe the vision of both. Les has worked especially
phenomenological psychology and integrative psychotherapy, he soon turned to that field. Apparently his interest was multiple. On one side was the possibility to transcend the objectives of the director-screenwriter. Why he had chosen the story and why he had chosen a very particular visual language, minimal. The first question brings to mind the importance of living memory, which for them is the deepest memory exists. That memory embedded in the old drama (the death of his brother while enjoying an afternoon in the field) had also transcended his granddaughter, who dedicated a material part of his life to represent. A phenomenological approach shows, then, how a material fact becomes part of lived awareness of the director who decides to act accordingly.
For Furthermore, I (and this coincided with other learners) introduced the possibility of life represented by traces of a person and this without exceeding the same visual frame. The film was talking about the past (memories tragic) in the language of this (the current life of the elderly). This overlap of traces, as a historical periods, interested more than one / a. The merit of the director had been using a simple narrative-without using the flash-back, for example, null effects and a single focus, all while showing several stories at once, occurring at widely separated points in time.
Kip's vision was that corresponding to a moderator divergent. Interested in the performative social research and how it is carried out (even from the aspect of production), reported low budget short, the ideas of the author about his work and stopped in some postmodern winks: how the old woman painting her lips to welcome family and how then that lipstick was not employed because she was affectionate, but not distributed, the role of modern technology (mobile phone's grandson), a metaphor of social boundaries between generations; or the same representation of the leading actress (really bright) ... and luxury that would have actors such representation of qualitative research to ...
"I hope you used for your jobs," Kip said goodbye. We
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